Journal of State and Society https://jstatesociety.in Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension (IUCSSRE) Sat, 28 Sep 2024 04:25:41 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.6.2 https://jstatesociety.in/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/abbd989a-a075-4e10-bd47-f9adb6819b2f.jpg Journal of State and Society https://jstatesociety.in 32 32 Frederic Jameson’s Call ‘Always Historicise’ Will Last  https://jstatesociety.in/frederic-jamesons-call-always-historicise-will-last/ https://jstatesociety.in/frederic-jamesons-call-always-historicise-will-last/#respond Sat, 28 Sep 2024 04:07:36 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1741 Rajan Gurukkal

Fredric Jameson has become a memory. However, this American literary theorist’s studies, no matter whether they carry mature Hegel or Young Marx. He had entered the field with his 1971 thesis, Marxism and FormTwentieth Century Dialectical Theories of Literature. Easy to be labelled, very few scholars discussed the work. Nevertheless, Jameson became famed for his book, The Political UnconsciousNarrative as a Socially Symbolic Act,the classic that opens with the most widely quoted slogan, ‘Always Historicise’. 

Jameson’s theorisation has been an object of engagement for philosophers and cultural theorists with the publication of his 1991 work, Postmodernism or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism, which beautifully demonstrates how postmodern thinking obfuscates between the cultural and the real. Jameson believed that the central problem of postmodernism has been a capsized logic emerging out of the crisis of its historicity. He diffuses this crisis across multiple fields such as literature, economics, architecture, philosophy, film, television, and mass media. A literary theorist unfailingly holding on to the concept of historically contingent real, Jameson had been impatient of postmodern dilation of the cultural domain inspiring consumers to celebrate market, legitimise commodification and naturalise commodity fetishism.

Marxism has been central to his historical hermeneutics in literary criticism. However, Jameson had no hesitation to be eclectic in his interpretations of nuances. He has used insights drawn from Spinoza’s necessity of knowledge, Hegel’s phenomenology of the Zeitgeist dialectics, Bergson’s objectivity of time, Nietzsche’s notion of the excluded middle, Heidegger’s philosophy of inseparability between the world and human existence, Lacan’s theory of the unconscious, Foucault’s concept of discourse, Mikhail Bakhtin’s ideologeme, and Deleuze’s vitalist ideas. While emphasising the material basis of class conflicts and revolt in cultural texts, Jameson celebrates the ideology of utopia and liberation as well.

Jameson boldly walked head-aloft all along his four decades of trailblazing academic career making lasting contributions in the field of cultural theory and literary criticism. He will be remembered as a Marxian theorist in literary criticism and cultural analyst in Postmodern Capitalism.

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Is Kerala Facing a Health Crisis? https://jstatesociety.in/is-kerala-facing-a-health-crisis/ https://jstatesociety.in/is-kerala-facing-a-health-crisis/#respond Mon, 15 Jul 2024 04:00:01 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1728 Dr. B. Ekbal, Journal of State and Society, 15 July 2024

In recent years, Kerala, a state renowned for its impressive health indicators, is currently grappling with a rise in infectious diseases. Infectious diseases such as Dengue, Chikungunya, H1N1, diarrheal diseases, Leptospirosis, West Nile virus, Japanese Encephalitis, Scrub Typhus, Leishmaniasis, and Kyasanur Forest Disease have become endemic in the region, claiming many lives annually. Moreover, Kerala has faced outbreaks of Nipah and Zika viruses also. Cholera cases and deaths have also been reported. Furthermore, the incidence of rabies due to stray dog bites is on the rise. Alarmingly, a few individuals have succumbed to brain-affecting amoebiasis, a rare condition that current doctors are only familiar with through medical texts.

The Vicious Circle of Diseases

Kerala is grappling with a double burden of both non-communicable and communicable diseases. Chronic conditions like diabetes, hypertension, cancer, and lung diseases—often described as lifestyle diseases—are on the rise. This creates a vicious cycle, where infectious diseases exacerbate chronic conditions, and chronic conditions, in turn, increase susceptibility to infections. For instance, people with non-communicable diseases face a higher risk of severe illness and death from infectious diseases such as Covid-19. This intertwined relationship intensifies the overall health crisis in the region.

The Need for Coordinated Action

While the public should diligently follow the health department’s guidelines for preventing and controlling infectious diseases, various government departments also need to take proactive measures. A clear and comprehensive action plan must be devised and implemented to address both communicable and non-communicable diseases in Kerala.

Strengthening Disease Prevention Measures

To prevent communicable diseases, it is essential to ensure effective mosquito and pest control, proper sanitation, and access to clean water. If the density of Aedes aegypti mosquitoes remains high, there is a risk of the deadly yellow fever reaching Kerala. Given the rising incidence of vector-borne diseases, the health and local self-government departments must collaborate to implement robust vector control programs. Additionally, tailored public health measures are necessary to control recurring diseases such as Nipah, scrub typhus, black fever, and monkey fever, considering their unique transmission modes. The increase in stray dog populations, largely due to the dumping of food waste in public places, also needs to be addressed with strict measures to prevent this practice.

Addressing Preventable Deaths and Water Safety

Despite the availability of the flu vaccine and antiviral medication, at least fifty deaths from H1N1 occur annually in Kerala, a situation that must be addressed. Encouraging flu vaccination is crucial. Similarly, deaths due to leptospirosis can be prevented through effective rat control and the use of preventive and treatment drugs. Agricultural workers, cattle handlers, and others at risk should wear protective shoes and gloves to safeguard against leptospirosis. Additionally, the well water used by many Keralites is often contaminated with organic matter and Escherichia coli, the bacterium responsible for diarrheal diseases. This contamination is frequently due to faulty toilet construction. A detailed investigation into these construction defects is necessary to develop effective solutions and ensure safe drinking water.

Strengthen Sub-Centres

Kerala has made significant strides in advancing curative care and treatment facilities. As part of the Aardram Mission, primary health centres have been upgraded with special clinics for non-communicable diseases, mental illness, and respiratory diseases, along with the provision of essential medicines. Many of our taluk, district, and government medical college hospitals have developed remarkably in terms of modern technology and human resources, often surpassing private medium or large corporate hospitals and private medical colleges. Consequently, the number of people utilizing government hospital services has increased to 60-70 percent.

But we have not been able to utilize the potential we have at various levels in terms of public health activities aiming the prevention and control of diseases. . The functioning of the lower-level sub-centres for health education and nutrition needs to be further improved. The state government is trying to expand the subcentres into Peoples’ Health Centres, while the central government’s plan for wellness clinics under the name of “Ayushman Arogya Mandir” has been proposed to be implemented at the subcentres. Whatever the name may be, the subcentres should not become adjuncts to the curative care treatment facilities of the primary health centres, but special care should be taken to make them to give more emphasis on disease prevention, health education and health promotion.

Public Health Interventions

In addition to enhancing medical facilities, effective public health interventions are essential to address Kerala’s health crisis. We have not fully leveraged the expertise of public health experts in the Departments of Community Medicine in government and private medical colleges, the Achutha Menon Centre for Health Science Studies, and the Department of Public Health and Community Medicine at Kasaragod Central University. Their skills should be harnessed for conducting detailed studies and implementing public health interventions tailored to Kerala’s unique challenges. Government and private medical colleges, along with public health institutions across districts, should investigate local health issues and provide solutions to the health department and local self-governing bodies. These institutions can also assist local governments in developing and executing public health projects at the community level.

Prevention, Monitoring, and Surveillance
In addition to prevention, effective monitoring and surveillance of diseases are crucial. The existing PEID Cells (Prevention of Epidemic and Infectious Diseases), in the medical colleges which focus on epidemic prevention, need to be made more efficient. The decision to establish a centre in Kerala modelled after the CDC (Centres for Disease Control and Prevention) in the United States, which excels in disease prevention and control, is a welcome move.

The Kerala University of Health Sciences should lead research initiatives to investigate the unique health problems faced by Keralites. The School of Public Health under the University should focus specifically on the state’s public health issues and advise the government on policy-level interventions.

Health Indicators and Infectious Diseases

Based on recognized indicators such as infant mortality rate and life expectancy, Kerala is often considered on par with developed countries in terms of health achievements. However, it is important to note that Kerala still struggles with many infectious diseases that have been eradicated or controlled in developing countries like Cuba, Nicaragua, and Sri Lanka, which perform better in certain health indicators. If we account for the presence of these infectious diseases by giving negative weightage—well-controlled in both developed and some developing countries—Kerala might fall behind in the list of good health achievers compared to many other regions.

Dr Ekbal, a former Vice Chancellor, University of Kerala, is an internationally acclaimed health activist. He had served as professor and head, Department of Neurosurgery, Medical College, Kottayam and officiated as Member, Kerala State Planning Board.

Journal of State and Society, 15 July 2024 ISSN 3048-555X

For PDF version see the text below

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The NPF Programme Goes Beyond Neo-Liberalism https://jstatesociety.in/the-npf-programme-goes-beyond-neo-liberalism/ https://jstatesociety.in/the-npf-programme-goes-beyond-neo-liberalism/#respond Sun, 07 Jul 2024 04:54:08 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1718 Prabhat Patnaik

FOR the French elections which Emmanuel Macron has called in the wake of the impressive showing by the far-right in the European parliamentary polls, four parties on the Left, the Communists, the Socialists, the Greens, and France Unbowed (of Jean-Luc Melenchon), have come together to form a New Popular Front to take on the fascist challenge of Marine Le Pen. This development is of historic significance: the New Popular Front is reminiscent of the Popular Front of the 1930s in France that had been formed against the backdrop of the rise of fascism in Europe, especially of the Nazi take-over of Germany. And while Macron is a straightforward neo-liberal whose poll ratings are very poor at the moment, and the far-right, true to character, is vague on economics and half-heartedly backing big business (before it openly aligns itself with monopoly capital at the “right moment”), the NPF has come out with a clear economic programme. Though the NPF has had to toe the American line on the Ukraine war in order to accommodate the Socialists, and has even made compromises, with regard to Melenchon’s known views, in the position it has taken on the genocide in Gaza, the economic programme it has adopted is clearly opposed to neo-liberalism.

This programme seeks to increase the monthly minimum wage; to impose price ceilings on essential foods, electricity, gas and petrol; to repeal Macron’s decision to raise the retirement age to 64 which would raise the pension commitments of the State; and to make large investments in the green transition and in public services. The NPF has made careful calculations of the cost of implementing this programme and proposes to finance it, without raising the fiscal deficit beyond the limits permitted by the European Community, by taxing the super-profits of companies, by reintroducing the wealth tax which Macron had abolished, by plugging various tax loopholes, and by ensuring that there is a ceiling to the amount that can be inherited, with the excess being taken over by the State.

All this is diametrically opposed to what neo-liberalism has been preaching all these years and all that has been propagated as the truth by the mainstream media, not just in France but over much of the world including India. When a suggestion was made that countries should reach agreement on a minimum 25 per cent corporate tax rate, so that capital does not move from one country to another to take advantage of differential tax rates, most governments, under thraldom to globalised finance, demurred; the agreement finally reached was for a 15 per cent tax rate which was lower than the prevailing corporate tax rate in most countries; in this context the proposal in the NPF’s programme for taxing super-profits acquires special significance.

Likewise, there has been a general tendency to abolish the wealth tax on the grounds that it is difficult to implement and that the revenue obtained from it is less than the cost associated with instituting it. Even in India the wealth tax that had been in place earlier was sought to be abolished on this argument; the wealth tax is implemented lackadaisically to start with and the meagre revenue obtained from it as a consequence is then used as the pretext for abolishing it. The NPF’s programme calls this bluff and seeks to reintroduce the wealth tax.

Of course, other political formations too have suggested a revival of the wealth tax as a significant revenue source in recent years. In the last US presidential elections, two contenders from the Democratic Party, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, had come out with proposals for a graded wealth tax; but the American political establishment prevented either from being nominated to take on Donald Trump, so that their proposals remained only at a preliminary stage. Very recently, the team around Thomas Piketty, the French economist associated with the World Inequality Database, has come out with a proposal for India to re-introduce a wealth tax on the super-rich in the backdrop of the massive increase in wealth inequality in the country, a proposal that echoes what the Left in the country has been demanding for long.

Likewise a revamping of the inheritance tax proposed by the NPF is a must in any democratic society; in fact such a tax is perfectly compatible with the philosophy of capitalism that justifies profit as a reward for some special qualities possessed by capitalists, and not as an inheritance handed down from parent to children. Besides, while an inheritance tax can stand on its own, it also constitutes a necessary complement to the wealth tax. And yet when an inheritance tax was suggested recently by a prominent member of the Indian National Congress (the Left has been mooting the idea for a very long time), the entire Indian media not to mention Prime Minister Narendra Modi came down on him like a ton of bricks. The prime minister even gave the proposal an utterly diabolical communal-fascist twist by claiming that the Congress was going to snatch ornaments from Hindu women to hand them over to Muslims! The NPF’s suggestion in fact is not just for an inheritance tax, but for a ceiling on inheritance, which becomes particularly significant in this context.

The same is true of the proposal to increase expenditures on public services. We have seen the deleterious effect of privatising services like education and healthcare in our own country, which is in conformity with the demands of neo-liberal capitalism and which has made them exorbitantly expensive. In fact, one of the major causes for farmers getting into debt which they cannot then repay and often take their own lives because of their inability to repay, is the sudden incurring of healthcare expenditure, the need for which arises out of the blue.

Likewise, the proposal to have price ceilings as the means to insulate people from the impact of inflation, breaks completely from capitalist orthodoxy that exclusively uses the instruments of monetary and fiscal policy. These policy instruments necessarily reduce the level of activity in the economy and hence employment; in fact, the only antidote to inflation under capitalism is the creation of larger unemployment. Price control rather than greater unemployment as the means of combating inflation, though mooted by the Left in India in the past, has now found a place in the programme of a major political formation in a metropolitan economy.     

After decades of the rubbish being doled out by the spokesmen of globalised capital, and the claim that there is no alternative to this rubbish (the so-called TINA factor), the programme of the NPF comes as a breath of fresh air. Not surprisingly, the French bourgeois press and a range of politicians, from the adherents of neo-liberalism to the far-right, have come down heavily on the economic programme of the NPF, scaring people with stories that the French economy would be doomed if this programme gets implemented. And yet the NPF, up to now at any rate, is doing well in opinion polls. Against 31 per cent support reported for the far-right, in the opinion polls, the NPF’s share comes to anywhere between 26 and 28 per cent, with Macron’s party trailing with less than 20 per cent.

The very fact that the French Left has managed to put aside its differences to come together to defeat fascism is a welcome sign. The Social Democratic leader Glucksman has set aside his long-standing animosity towards Jean-Luc Melenchon to promise support to the NPF; and Melenchon in turn has promised to stand aside from the prime minister’s post if the alliance partners object to him, in the event of an NPF victory. The setting aside of personal ambitions and even ideological differences within the NPF for keeping the far-right out of power, is quite remarkable.

Even more remarkable from our point of view is the adoption of a common economic programme, defended by all constituents, that is opposed to neo-liberalism and that charts an altogether new and exciting course. Whatever the outcome of the elections, this portends a new beginning in the realm of ideas, especially as it is happening in a metropolitan economy.

@Peoples Democracy

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National Education Policy, 2020: A Step Further Back https://jstatesociety.in/national-education-policy-2020-a-step-further-back/ Tue, 05 Dec 2023 09:00:00 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1572

 

Rajesh Komath and Lekshmi Prabha Snehalatha

Journal of State and Society – December 2023
 

The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, which aims to unify India’s educational systems nationally, has been approved without discussions in the Houses of Parliament. At first glance, it becomes evident that the policy focuses on technical education, employment, and skilled labour. The concept of education solely as a means of livelihood for the masses, aimed at earning a living, reflects a caste notion. It can be understood that the policy is formulated based on Hindu Dharma Sastra, where the Brahmins generate knowledge, the Kshatriyas implement it, the Vyshyas manage the economic base, and the Sudras and Dalits become the workforce, engaging in various forms of manual labour. Consequently, the New Education Policy aims at making the masses the labour force, serving the upper castes.

The policy insists that students who reach grade three should attain foundational literacy and numeracy, choose areas of study and work based on their abilities and interests, enhance their life skills, and foster pride in India. This may be because the modern world is structured on an economic basis and the policy approves of at least this level of education. However, it provides only a minimum education for the poor masses.

The modern education system should be founded on the freedom of the individual. Higher education should be seen as a means to acquire wisdom and develop critical thinking capable of transcending structural inequalities, thereby gradually transforming the exploitative social order. Scholars like Dr. B R Ambedkar were able to positively impact people’s lives because they received transformative education. However, the National Education Policy 2020 appears oblivious to the violence inherent in structural social inequalities. The policy does not make any recommendations to address the issue of school dropouts. It becomes the responsibility of civil societies to reintegrate children who drop out of school. Although the policy suggests the romantic notion of students having the freedom to ‘exit’ and ‘re-enter’ education at any point, it lacks elaboration on practical implementation. The likelihood of students who drop out returning to continue their education is minimal. Additionally, the government aims to withdraw from providing financial assistance for education, shifting this responsibility to voluntary organizations.

The suggestion that political groups or organizations based on caste and religion can support financially challenged students is not innocuous. The underlying logic behind this policy is that such voluntary organizations may influence students, shaping a generation that aligns with the political agendas of these organizations. Consequently, students might become ensnared in the structure of social inequality. This suggestion can be seen as romanticizing the injustice and violence inherent in structural social inequalities.

When general education aligns with the norms set by the Sangh Parivar, educational institutions become modern spaces marked by casteism, akin to agraharas. The provision of fellowships to students by private organizations under the guise of philanthropy contradicts the idea of the government as a welfare state. It represents the State’s abdication of its responsibility. These ‘support systems’ impede the evolution of students into individuals with free will and an independent consciousness. Even in this scenario, the government’s aspirations function as an ideology influencing students. This dynamic is detrimental to the growth of democracy and the developmental sensibilities of a state.

Students guided by moral and political values such as truth, beauty, goodness, peace, and non-violence can inadvertently become stereotypical subjects, refraining from opposing the political power dynamics in the country and the resulting inequalities. This aligns with the Union Government’s ambition to position India as the Global Guru. The policy, which designates a significant portion of the population as manual laborers and reserves higher educational opportunities for the elite, merely offers new interpretations for age-old visions. It essentially romanticizes injustice. The Education Policy seeks to overturn the modern and democratic public policy that India has developed over the years, aiming to transform India into a Hindu Rashtra adhering to Hindu dharma. In essence, the NEP becomes a policy document shaping an India culturally determined by Brahminism, politically influenced by Hindutva, and economically driven by corporate capital.

The policy dismisses the recent advancements that democratic India has provided to individuals from the lower strata of society, potentially relegating lower classes, including Sudras, to mere laborers. Examining the statistics related to becoming the Global Guru under this approach is essential. Currently, 54 per cent of the country’s population is below 25 years of age, with 62 per cent falling between 15 and 59 years. Projections indicate that within the next 15-20 years, the global industrial workforce will decrease to less than four per cent, contrasting with India’s expected rise to 32 per cent. This demographic trend positions India favorably for increased participation in the global economic process. By 2025, the average age of India will be 31, reaching 38 by 2050, making it the most youthful country in terms of average age. This sets a conducive environment for India to achieve economic progress.

However, the policy’s emphasis on educational loans over fellowships, coupled with a shift towards foreign university models, risks limiting educational opportunities to the trivarnikas—Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Vyshyas. When questioned about the shift from three-year to four-year degree programs, officials cite alignment with foreign universities. This alteration potentially restricts higher education opportunities to financially affluent upper castes, by international educational practices. This approach of becoming Vishwa Guru appears to be an inverted policy, sidelining the youth who have hitherto been educated based on prevailing national educational practices and reserving advanced education opportunities for the financially privileged upper castes, thus deviating from the essence of a truly inclusive educational framework.

The reality is markedly different. The quality of the workforce significantly influences the 32 percent growth projection. Despite having a large workforce in India, the nation lags in terms of the quality and excellence of work. If this trend persists, the expanding workforce may remain unemployable, leading to unemployment and underutilization. To harness the benefits of favourable demographics, it is imperative to transform our youth into an outstanding workforce.

Currently, only 15 percent of the Indian workforce is available for formal training, in contrast to 69 percent in North Korea, 80 percent in the U.S., and 69 percent in England. These statistics suggest diminished opportunities for the Indian workforce to participate in job opportunities arising from global economic growth, as evidenced by the 2022 government statistics.

A shortage of 150 million skilled laborers is anticipated in infrastructure development alone, resulting in scarcities of 33 million in the construction field, 26 million in the textile industry, 13 million in the health sector, and six million in education within India. Developing an excellent workforce necessitates an educated human resource. It’s crucial to acknowledge that, at a time when the focus should be on creating an educated and exceptional workforce, education in India is privatized. The education policy, with its emphasis on limited educational attainment, represents a regressive step restricting the human resource potential that grassroots communities could achieve through education.

The rationale behind the education policy is grounded in global economic calculations. The policy aims to provide skill-oriented education from the school level to create a skilled labour force. Twenty-five percent of schools in the country are directed towards producing this labour force by incorporating skill development into formal education. However, in the evolving landscape of global demography, having a youthful population alone will not suffice. Individuals lacking access to quality education cannot become valuable human resources equipped with the necessary skills. The National Education Policy 2020 progresses on a logic that overlooks this fundamental principle of fostering progress among people.

 

 

Rajesh Komath is an Associate Professor at the School of Social Sciences, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, Kerala

Lekshmi Prabha Snehalatha is an Assistant Professor of English at the General Department, Government Polytechnic College Adoor, Pathanamthitta, Kerala.

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Bereft of Being: Body as a site of humiliation https://jstatesociety.in/bereft-of-being-body-as-a-site-of-humiliation/ https://jstatesociety.in/bereft-of-being-body-as-a-site-of-humiliation/#respond Mon, 09 Oct 2023 06:48:15 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1536

Rajesh Komath

Pravesh Shukla, the BJP loyalist from Sidhi in Madhya Pradesh, grabbed many a headline by his act of urinating on the head and face of an Adivasi sitting on the roadside. He symbolises the face of Hindutva that has continued to enjoy and exercise the privilege granted to him by birth, the Brahmin who has a deep-seated sense of superiority. And that explains this unabashed display of savarna power and right over a ‘subhuman’ who he identified on the wayside. The upper caste social psyche considers the inferior body as the substance of dirt that is produced from his body. It means Dalit, Adivasi’s body is equal to the dirt and filthy substance that his body produces. 

What justice can one expect from a religion that has assigned different parts of the human form as the origin of each caste–the head for the Brahmin, the limbs to the Kshatriya, the abdomen to the Vaisya, and the feet to the Shudra? The Dalit-Adivasi emerged from the sole of the feet. They belong lower in the hierarchy to the animals. Perhaps, thus, justifying their having to be at the receiving end of the utmost deplorable treatment from the higher social groups. These were lives born out of Manu’s madness. Though not born from the head they are not mindless, nor powerless though not emerging from the limbs.

The obsession with caste that manifests in Manu’s thoughts is embedded in all religions within India. It is perpetuated in all walks of life. As one goes higher in the echelons of caste, it lends reverence, and as one descends this ladder discrimination and ignominy are integral elements.  And the template of such a social structure is marked by intense hatred and cruelty.

A ‘Pravesh Shukla’ is the product of the conditioning and mindset which privileges him to use the body of the Adivasi as his domain to assert and establish the power equation between his self and the ‘Other’ human being at the receiving end.  

The advantage of caste grants that innate ability to delude him into the insidious thinking that the hatred he nurtures in himself is correct and a rightful legacy of his birth. For us as onlookers, it is a criminal act. That is what Ambedkar identified caste as a criminal mind.

Seeing a vulnerable human being and slotting him as a thief from the detestable lower level of the caste grid is a consciousness built into what is at the core of the essence of Sanatan Dharma, which means that which remains unchanged, and eternal. For the Sanatani the subaltern who is lower in caste and colour is his subordinate. This, however, is not the problem of just one man but it is a canker afflicting Indian society. Many are the idealists who came forward to cure the system of metastasising growth. They failed or turned back. Drawing on the Constitutional guarantees and resorting to create a social revolution to change this mindset also has made no difference to this malaise. Deeply entrenched and with far-reaching striking power Manu’s ideas reign supreme.

While driving through the streets of North India, I have helplessly witnessed people driving four-wheelers walking up to the rickshaw puller, who would have abandoned his home in Bihar or Uttar Pradesh to come to the city to make a living, and giving a slap across the unsuspecting poor man’s face. His fault was that he did not make way for the vehicle of the entitled man. It is the might of the upper classes and the messaging over generations that has percolated to the Dalits and the Adivasis that make the rickshawallah remain sans any expression or reaction. This feature strikes any thinking person when watching the video, the powerless poor man who feels the urine on his face just cannot get himself to even shift from the spot because it is his lot to receive any ignominy. Shuklas like this celebrate the birth of a girl child in the Dalit-Adivasi hovel because it is one more site to satiate their lust—a fact that is constantly reinforced is the advantage of being born into a higher caste grants them such perquisites. In the given circumstances, how else can such individuals behave?

In India and the world over the largest number of people serving prison are dark-skinned humans. In the United States when policemen use water cannons on crowds the force of the water jet is stronger if the crowd is not white! In India being from the under-privileged population is a crime.  An individual who belongs to the lowest strata of the social grouping in a population is vulnerable and fits the eligibility criteria when it comes to discriminatory, demeaning behavior being inflicted on him.  The condition of women is pathetic. What is the attitude and approach that we can expect from the likes of Shukla when it comes to women and children?

Discrimination comes easily to us. We create parameters like ownership of land, colour, and wealth to segregate fellow beings. That is exactly what the concept of ‘taste of discrimination’ implies.  Violence and aggression are justified behaviour. Over and above this, factors that enable the perpetration of discriminatory action are sought to be located in caste, and the colour of the skin becomes the signifier.

“I do not have a homeland.” “I was born a Hindu. But, never will die as Hindu”, Dr Ambedkar’s words are a pointer to the fact that Hinduism is a religion that is not amenable to change. And therefore, a ‘Pravesh Shukla’ does not regret his act because this BJP loyalist has only acted in a manner that privileges him above the Adivasi sitting by the roadside. He has not committed a heinous crime against the unsuspecting victim because his higher caste status birth grants him this license to behave in this deplorable manner. It is imperative to teach upper castes like him that they are oppressors and stop oppression. Our rule of law failed to do so. Amid the hue and cry of this incident, the Madhya Pradesh Chief minister washed the feet of the victim. One urinates on the head and another washed feet. Justice prevails outside of this body discourse. But Manu’s madness persists in our practices.

The author teaches social theory at the School of Social Sciences, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, Kerala

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Unveiling Northeast India: A Region Explored from Within https://jstatesociety.in/unveiling-northeast-india-a-region-explored-from-within/ https://jstatesociety.in/unveiling-northeast-india-a-region-explored-from-within/#respond Fri, 01 Sep 2023 06:24:00 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1553

 

 

Hoineilhing Sitlhou (ed.). 2023. Identity and Marginality in Northeast India: Challenges for Social Science Research. Hyderabad: Orient Black Swan, pp. 352.

 

Since May 2023, Manipur in Northeast India has been grappling with ethnic turmoil, resulting in nearly 200 casualties, widespread displacement, economic stagnation, and geopolitical setbacks. The unrest originated from clashes during a ‘tribal solidarity march’ organized by the All-Tribal Students’ Union, opposing the Meitei community’s bid to be classified as a Scheduled Tribe. The ST status would afford the predominantly Hindu Meitei people various benefits, but existing tribes, particularly the Kuki community, resist, fearing increased Meitei influence and land acquisition in Kuki-dominated areas. The conflict, if unaddressed, poses a risk of spreading to other parts of Northeast India. Mizoram has already witnessed the Meitei exodus due to escalating tensions, emphasizing the urgent need for intervention by central and state authorities to mitigate the crisis. Many states in Northeast India have similar tensions and conflicts. 

In what ways is the Meitei-Kuki conflict in Manipur seen as a potential threat to other parts of Northeast India? What impact did the violence in Manipur have on other states in the region? How might the ongoing ethnic strife in Manipur impact the broader stability and geopolitical dynamics of Northeast India? Are there historical or cultural factors that could exacerbate such conflicts and potentially lead to similar tensions between other ethnic groups in the region?  In the context of the larger Northeast region, how crucial is it for the authorities to balance the aspirations of different ethnic communities while maintaining overall peace and stability? Here, critical insights and perspectives from the region are very important.

Conceptualizing Northeast India as a unified and homogeneous region is a challenging task due to the complex interplay of ethnic, linguistic, cultural, and historical diversity among its population. The region is composed of eight states: Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, and Tripura. In each state, a distinctive identity emerges from various traditions and historical experiences, collectively contributing to the region’s unique character. However, the region continues to grapple with various issues, including inter-ethnic conflicts, atrocities against women, insurgency, state violence, militarization, migration (both legal and illegal), and marginalization. The diverse challenges underscore the multifaceted nature of the region’s dynamics.

The volume under review originated from a national seminar held at the University of Hyderabad. The seminar, prompted by the turmoil in Nagaland surrounding the debate over a 33 per cent reservation for women in urban local bodies, highlighted the tension between the quota system and Naga customary laws protected by Article 371(A) of the Indian Constitution.  The editor of the volume, Hoineilhing Sitlhou, rightly emphasizes the absence of coherent perspectives, frames, or models for studying Northeast India’s problems. She cites the complexity of understanding tribal societies, cautioning against approaching them through a narrow lens. Popular narratives, such as the glorified status of women in Manipur and the matrilineal structure of Khasi society, are deemed potentially misleading. Sitlhou argues that the conventional understanding of ‘social marginality’ often revolves around factors such as caste, class, race, ethnicity, and gender. She also introduces the concept of ‘spatial marginality,’ which refers to the physical or positional distance from centres of power, growth, and development. In acknowledging this multidimensional perspective, Sitlhou emphasizes that comprehending the issues of marginalization in the Northeast cannot be reduced to simplistic binary categories, such as colonizer and colonized or state and people. Sitlhou contends that these issues involve intricate layers of relations, some of which are more overtly oppositional than others. This complexity challenges the notion that the problems of marginalization in the Northeast can be neatly framed within straightforward dichotomies. Instead, Sitlhou suggests that understanding the complexity of social and spatial marginality requires a more nuanced and multifaceted approach that considers the various interrelated factors at play in the region.

The essays within the volume aim to engage the power dynamics at play in the Northeast, investigating the root causes of marginality. The overarching objective is to contribute to the reshaping of identity and the redefinition of marginality within the region. There are six sections in the volume. The first section ‘Politics of Difference and the Articulation of Identities’ has two essays. Sajal Nag analyses the dynamics of tribes in Northeast India, examining their experiences during both colonial and postcolonial periods. Nag traces the origins of the identity crises faced by various tribes in the region, which led to their transition from “self-confident and powerful tribes” to subdued subjects. According to Nag, these once-proud and valorous tribes entered the postcolonial era burdened with a sense of shame and embarrassment about their past. In their efforts to adapt to modernity, they underwent transformations marked by the adoption of modern education, a more civilized attire, and a new religion. This desperate attempt to meet the demands of modernity resulted in a loss of their traditional valour and bravery, Nag noted.

Papori Bora engages in a critical examination of knowledge production concerning India’s Northeast. Her analysis explores both colonial historical and ethnographic discourse shaping the region and the postcolonial interpretations of this discourse within the realm of social sciences. Bora contends that the Indian nationalist discourse tends to portray the Northeast as a region perpetually lagging behind the rest of India, both historically and in terms of modernity. This perception is not only upheld by the narrative of nationalist counter-insurgency but also finds resonance in the perspectives of social science disciplines like history and anthropology. These disciplines often approach the Northeast as an ‘other,’ viewing it through the lens of the Indian self. Bora’s scrutiny sheds light on the complexities of how knowledge about the Northeast has been constructed and perpetuated, emphasizing the need for a more careful and contextually aware approach.

The section ‘Colonialism and Northeast India’ has two essays.  Malsawmdawngliana sketches the evolution of Mizo history, transitioning from an oral tradition to textualization during the colonial period. He underscores the multifaceted impact of colonial agencies on historical writing, explaining their influences and the inherent problems and inadequacies within their initiatives. According to Malsawmdawngliana, the process of incorporating the Mizos into the broader global context, or the ‘worlding’ of the Mizos, resulted in a subjectivity that mirrored Western agendas. Notably, the few instances of resistance were overlooked or omitted by colonial writers and historiographers. He contends that the present imperative is a reevaluation and rearticulation of the Mizo people’s position in history. This involves a shift towards narratives that allow the Mizos to tell their own stories, write their versions, employ their unique perspectives, and serve their specific purposes. Malsawmdawngliana advocates for a paradigm where the Mizo people actively participate in shaping and narrating their history, thereby reclaiming agency and autonomy in the construction of their historical identity.

Suryasikha Pathak undertakes an examination of early census practices and the subsequent debates surrounding them, particularly within the context of identity articulation. She notes that while census enumeration and its awareness introduced a certain rigidity in defining collective identities, paradoxically, it also contributed to rendering nationalist, ethnic, communal, and other identities more fluid. In Assam, Pathak highlights the complexity of the situation, where the diversity of communities, coupled with a remarkably fluid demographic structure, made it challenging to categorically delineate these communities. Pathak concludes that the process of census enumeration played a pivotal role in transforming the identity of plains tribes into a political reality. Simultaneously, it served as a battleground for contestation and the redefinition of identity, owing to the official legitimacy it bestowed upon various communities. Pathak also observes that the nexus between census practices and political rights played a crucial role in the emergence of communitarian politics during the 1930s and 1940s. The enumeration not only shaped the political landscape but also became a catalyst for communities to assert their identities within the political sphere, leading to a complex interplay between census data and the political dynamics of the time.

The essays within the section dedicated to ‘Race, Ethnicity, and Migration’ focus on the experiences of migrants from the Northeast living in Delhi. Hoineilhing Sitlhou and Salah Punathil specifically examine the discrimination and violence faced by migrants from the Northeastern region in Delhi in recent times. Their critical analysis revolves around the state’s response to the pervasive issues of biases and animosity as reflected in the Bezbaruah Committee of 2014. The authors scrutinize the reception and perception of the committee’s implementation among the migrant population in Delhi.

The authors present empirical data with the aim of contributing to the development of a fresh theoretical framework addressing race and violence in contemporary India. The escalating incidents of discrimination and violence against Northeasterners are put across as a consequence of portraying these people as racially and ethnically marginalized within the postcolonial Indian nation-state. They argue that the comprehensive implementation of the Bezbaruah Committee’s recommendations holds the potential to serve as a lasting remedy to the racial discrimination and violence faced by those from the Northeastern region.

Thanggoulen Kipgen explores the migration patterns of the Kuki community towards the nation’s capital, highlighting the compelling dynamics at play. Kipgen emphasizes that the interplay of poverty, unemployment, and socio-political instability acts as a driving force, prompting educated youth in Manipur to venture beyond their native state. Larger cities, with their diverse job landscapes and promises of an enhanced lifestyle, emerge as irresistible attractions for these people seeking broader horizons. According to Kipgen, in the face of manifold discrimination and marginalization encountered by the Kukis and other Northern migrants, the city of Delhi remains remarkably resilient as one of their preferred destinations. This suggests that, despite the challenges, Delhi continues to symbolize a mainstay of opportunity and the potential for a brighter future.    

The section addressing ‘Negotiating Gender, Culture, and Identity’ has three essays, all exploring gender dynamics within the context of Mizoram and Manipur. Lalhmingmawii underscores that unlike in other regions of India where LGBT movements have spurred legal recognition of alternative sexualities, the liberation of the LGBT community in Mizoram faces constraints from civil society groups like the Young Mizo Association and certain women’s organizations. Lalhmingmawii contends that the pervasive influence of Christianity in Mizo society results in the stigmatization of non-normative sexuality, branding it as deviant. While strides towards inclusivity are evident elsewhere in India, LGBTQ activists in Mizoram yearn for a future where community members can openly embrace their identity beneath the rainbow flag.

Shifting focus to Manipur, Ruth Nengneilhing examines the plight of women displaced during the Kuki-Naga clash of the 1990s. Investigating into the experiences of resettlement colonies, Nengneilhing reveals the profound impact of an inequitable system and skewed resource distribution on Kuki women. The Kuki-Naga conflict triggered extensive displacement, encompassing both spontaneous fleeing from life-threatening situations and organized, planned population transfers involving human rights abuses. Nengneilhing delineates the divergent effects of armed conflicts on men and women, drawing attention to distinct vulnerabilities arising from societal roles and uneven access to resources. The study calls for a more gender-sensitive approach to comprehending the challenges faced by conflict-affected populations and addressing their complex issues.

V. Sawmveli unfolds the impact of Protestant Christianity on the perpetuation of traditional gender dynamics and inequality within Mizo society. Her study, conducted across three towns in the state, sheds light on the persistent gender disparities evident within the Presbyterian Church of Mizoram, Baptist Church of Mizoram, and Evangelical Church of Maraland. Despite Mizo women generally experiencing a degree of autonomy in specific facets of their lives, Sawmveli shows how these religious institutions contribute to the persistence of gender inequality. It highlights the complex interaction between traditional cultural norms, religious influences, and the varying degrees of empowerment experienced by Mizo women within the context of their faith.

Within the section addressing ‘Indigeneity, Land, and Identity,’ two essays offer distinctive insights. Venusa Tinyi contributes an ethnographic exploration of the Chakhesang Nagas, contending that colonial narratives often lack consistency, making it challenging to glean a holistic and comprehensive understanding from them. As a native insider, Tinyi challenges the tendency to categorize every practice and custom of the community as mere myths. Instead, he advocates for a careful approach that seeks to bring out the socio-cultural values and beliefs underpinning the practices of the Nagas, aiming for a more profound understanding beyond superficial interpretations.

Rekha M. Shangpliang investigates the crucial role played by women in natural resource management, with a specific emphasis on the forest rights of the rural Khasi community. Shangpliang highlights the state’s efforts to assert greater control over the region’s forests through the implementation of new laws and regulations. In doing so, she underscores how these measures often disregard the longstanding traditional rights of the Khasi community concerning their land and forests. Shangpliang’s exploration sheds light on the complex interplay between evolving governmental policies and the indigenous community’s established practices, emphasizing the need to acknowledge and preserve the unique socio-cultural fabric of the Khasi people.

In the final section, the thematic focus centres on ‘Borders, States, and Markets.’ N. William Singh provides an in-depth examination of the collective consciousness within marginalized communities and the intricate politics of marginalization that disavow the very individuals constituting a civic order. He focussed the roles played by media and civil society in the current flux of migrants. Singh also inquired into the marginalization experienced by Chin migrants in Mizoram, elucidating the reasons behind their peripheral status and the unfortunate reality of their voices remaining unheard.

Lalhmangaihi Chhakchhuak explores the transformative shifts in the social and economic fabric of Mizo society over recent decades, resulting in the emergence of new relations and networks. Through a political economy lens, Chhakchhuak scrutinizes the new hazards and challenges to social life, including the prevalence of fatal illnesses that have impacted the population in Mizoram. She contends that the risks accompanying economic development and modernization are frequently overlooked, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive understanding of the implications of societal transformations.

In sum, the essays comprising this volume strive to construct a sociological inquiry into a range of issues impacting Northeast India. By incorporating diverse writings from various social science disciplines, the collection underlines the imperative for a comprehensive, interdisciplinary, and nationally oriented discourse. This approach is deemed crucial for identifying and implementing solutions to the enduring challenges faced by Northeast India. The compilation serves as evidence of the significance of collaborative and expansive dialogue in addressing the complex socio-cultural landscape of the region.

The authors perceptively analysed the complex social history of the region, contesting simplistic narratives that portray it as a monolithic entity. They have brought out the diverse experiences of ethnic communities, their engagements, conflicts, and contestations. The volume is not only a rich academic contribution to postcolonial studies but also a captivating repertoire for anyone interested in the multifaceted social life of the historically overlooked Northeast India.  

For full text Read  State and Society 2023 -KM Seethi

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Elementor #1299 https://jstatesociety.in/elementor-1299/ https://jstatesociety.in/elementor-1299/#respond Mon, 24 Jul 2023 05:43:18 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1299 https://jstatesociety.in/elementor-1299/feed/ 0 World Hunger and the War in Ukraine https://jstatesociety.in/world-hunger-and-the-war-in-ukraine/ https://jstatesociety.in/world-hunger-and-the-war-in-ukraine/#respond Fri, 21 Jul 2023 03:16:36 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1269

 

 

VIJAY PRASHAD

Tags: Opinion, Politics, Africa, Time-Sensitive, News, Community, Trade, Europe/Russia, Europe/Ukraine, Food, United Nations, Europe

 

On Monday, June 17, Dmitry Peskov, the spokesperson for Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, announced, “The Black Sea agreements are no longer in effect.” This was a blunt statement to suspend the Black Sea Grain Initiative that emerged out of intense negotiations in the hours after Russian forces entered Ukraine in February 2022. The Initiative went into effect on July 22, 2022, after Russian and Ukrainian officials signed it in Istanbul in the presence of the United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres and Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Guterres called the Initiative a “beacon of hope” for two reasons. First, it is remarkable to have an agreement of this kind between belligerents in an ongoing war. Second, Russia and Ukraine are major producers of wheat, barley, maize, rapeseed and rapeseed oil, sunflower seeds and sunflower oil, as well as nitrogen, potassic, and phosphorus fertilizer, accounting for twelve percent of calories traded. Disruption of supply from Russia and Ukraine, it was felt by a range of international organizations, would have a catastrophic impact on world food markets and on hunger. As Western—largely U.S., UK, and European—sanctions increased against Russia, the feasibility of the deal began to diminish. It was suspended several times during the past year. In March 2023, Russia’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova responding to the sanctions against Russian agriculture, said, “[The main] parameters provided for in the [grain] deal do not work.”

Financialization Leads to Hunger

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said that his country regrets Russia’s “continued weaponization of food” since this “harms millions of vulnerable people around the world.” Indeed, the timing of the suspension could not be worse. A United Nations report, “The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2023” (July 12, 2023), shows that one in ten people in the world struggles with hunger and that 3.1 billion people cannot afford a healthy diet. But the report itself makes an interesting point: that the war in Ukraine has driven 23 million people into hunger, a number that pales in comparison to the other drivers of hunger—such as the impact of commercialized food markets and the COVID-19 pandemic. A 2011 report from World Development Movement called “Broken Markets: How Financial Market Regulation Can Help Prevent Another Global Food Crisis” showed that “financial speculators now dominate the [food] market, holding over 60 percent of some markets compared to 12 percent 15 years ago.”

The situation has since worsened. Dr. Sophie van Huellen, who studies financial speculation in food markets, pointed out in late 2022 that while there are indeed food shortages, “the current food crisis is a price crisis, rather than a supply crisis.” The end of the Black Sea Grain Initiative is indeed regrettable, but it is not the leading cause of hunger in the world. The leading cause—as even the European Economic and Social Committee agrees—is financial speculation in food markets.

Why Did Russia Suspend the Initiative?

To monitor the Black Sea Grain Initiative, the United Nations set up a Joint Coordination Centre (JCC) in Istanbul. It is staffed by representatives from Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, and the United Nations. On several occasions, the JCC had to deal with tensions between Russia and Ukraine over the shipments, such as when Ukraine attacked Russia’s Black Sea Fleet—some of whose vessels carried the grain—in Sevastopol, Crimea, in October 2022. Tensions remained over the initiative as Western sanctions against Russia tightened, making it difficult for Russia to export its own agricultural products into the world market.

Russia put three requirements on the table to the United Nations regarding its own agricultural system. First, the Russian government asked that the Russian Agricultural Bank—the premier credit and trade bank for Russian agriculture—be reconnected to the SWIFT system, from which it had been cut off by the European Union’s sixth package of sanctions in June 2022. A Turkish banker told TASS that there is the possibility that the European Union could “issue a general license to the Russian Agricultural Bank” and that the Bank “has the opportunity to use JP Morgan to conduct transactions in U.S. dollars” as long as the exporters being paid for were part of the Black Sea Grain Initiative.

Second, from the first discussions about the Grain Initiative, Moscow put on the table its export of ammonia fertilizer from Russia both through the port of Odesa and of supplies held in Latvia and the Netherlands. A central part of the debate has been the reopening of the Togliatti-Odesa pipeline, the world’s longest ammonia pipeline. In July 2022, the UN and Russia signed an agreement that would facilitate the sale of Russian ammonia on the world market. The UN’s Guterres went to the Security Council to announce, “We are doing everything possible to… ease the serious fertilizer market crunch that is already affecting farming in West Africa and elsewhere. If the fertilizer market is not stabilized, next year could bring a food supply crisis. Simply put, the world may run out of food.” On June 8, 2023, Ukrainian forces blew up a section of the Togliatti-Odesa pipeline in Kharkiv, increasing the tension over this dispute. Other than the Black Sea ports, Russia has no other safe way to export its ammonia-based fertilizers.

Third, Russia’s agricultural sector faces challenges from a lack of ability to import machinery and spare parts, and Russian ships are not able to buy insurance or enter many foreign ports. Despite the “carve-outs” in Western sanctions for agriculture, sanctions on firms and individuals have debilitated Russia’s agricultural sector.

To counter Western sanctions, Russia placed restrictions on the export of fertilizer and agricultural products. These restrictions included the ban on the export of certain goods (such as temporary bans of wheat exports to the Eurasian Economic Union), the increase of licensing requirements (including for compound fertilizers, requirements set in place before the war), and the increase of export taxes. These Russian moves come alongside strategic direct sales to countries, such as India, which will re-export to other countries.

In late July, St. Petersburg will host the Second Russia-Africa Economic and Humanitarian Forum, where these topics will surely be front and center. Ahead of the summit, President Putin called South Africa’s Cyril Ramaphosa to inform him about the problems faced by Russia in exporting its food and fertilizers to the African continent. “The deal’s main goal,” he said of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, was “to supply grain to countries in need, including those on the African continent, has not been implemented.”

It is likely that the Black Sea Grain Initiative will restart within the month. Earlier suspensions have not lasted longer than a few weeks. But this time, it is not clear if the West will give Russia any relief on its ability to export its own agricultural products. Certainly, the suspension will impact millions of people around the world who struggle with endemic hunger. Billions of others who are hungry because of financial speculation in food markets are not impacted directly by these developments.

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power.

Courtesy: Globetrotter

 
 
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Milan Kundera Remembered https://jstatesociety.in/milan-kundera-remembered/ https://jstatesociety.in/milan-kundera-remembered/#respond Thu, 13 Jul 2023 05:06:31 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1097

 

The cultural world mourns the loss of Milan Kundera, the celebrated Czech novelist whose distinctive mix of dark irony and philosophical contemplation captivated readers. Through his intrepid writings, Kundera boldly challenged totalitarian regimes, delving deep into the intricacies of the human experience. 

A true polymath, Kundera excelled in various literary forms, showcasing his talent in novels, short stories, plays, poetry, criticism, and essays. His keen insights into contemporary life, culture, and politics have garnered widespread acclaim, particularly for his ability to portray the interconnected and profound aspects of totalitarianism, combining both tragedy and comedy.  

Born in Czechoslovakia in 1929, Kundera initially joined the Communist Party in 1947 but was later expelled in 1950 due to his dissenting views. He was reinstated in 1956 and took up a teaching position at the Prague Institute for Advanced Cinematographic Studies. During this period, his novel The Joke achieved cult status, especially during the Prague Spring of 1968.

The late 1960s witnessed a wave of liberal voices within the Communist Party, including writers and intellectuals, advocating for freedom in Czechoslovakia and challenging the party’s bureaucratic and totalitarian machinery. Kundera, increasingly disillusioned with the communist system, delivered a significant speech at the Fourth Czechoslovak Writers Congress in 1967, openly criticizing censorship and repressive measures against writers. He emphasized the importance of preserving Czech identity through the unrestricted development of literature and culture, marking a pivotal moment in the quest for intellectual and creative freedom in Czech thought.

Kundera actively participated in the reform movement of 1968, known as the ‘Prague Spring,’ which aimed to introduce a more liberal form of socialism. However, the movement was abruptly halted by the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, leading to a repressive Soviet-dominated regime. Kundera and many other authors who refused to conform or collaborate with the new regime were banned, prompting him to seek exile in France in 1975. Despite the ban, Kundera continued to oppose the oppressive state’s impact on Czech literature and history. His exile allowed him to flourish as an author, and he has since resided in France.

In 1979, as a reaction to his book The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, Kundera was stripped of his Czechoslovakian citizenship, and his novels were banned from publication within the country. He acquired French citizenship in 1981. Kundera’s magnum opus, The Unbearable Lightness of Being, published in 1984, garnered resounding acclaim for its ability to transcend the boundaries of ordinary existence and delve into profound ideas. In this renowned work, Kundera eloquently expressed the interconnected nature of necessity, weight, and value, proclaiming that only what is necessary carries weight and value.

Maintaining an enigmatic persona, Kundera rarely granted interviews, firmly believing that writers should express themselves through their literary creations. In one interview with The Paris Review, he revealed that all his novels could be titled The Unbearable Lightness of Being, The Joke, or Laughable Loves interchangeably. These titles reflected the limited themes that obsessed and defined him, although he lamented that they also restricted him. Beyond these themes, Kundera felt he had nothing more to say or write.

From 1985 onwards, Kundera exclusively provided written interviews, as he felt he was often misrepresented or misquoted in spoken interviews. In 1986, he released his first work written in French, an essay titled “The Art of the Novel.” Two years later, in 1988, he published his first French novel, Immortality. After working as a lecturer in comparative language sciences at the University of Rennes, Kundera embarked on his career as an author with the esteemed publishing house Gallimard in 1978.

While labelled an outspoken critic of the Communist regime in his homeland, Kundera rejected the title of a political “dissident.” Instead, he embraced the role of a continental and cultural dissident, aiming to awaken his contemporaries to more profound and far-reaching threats beyond mere communism or narrow political phenomena. His focus extended beyond specific ideologies, shedding light on broader issues permeating society.

Kundera’s thoughts were characterized by a highly ironic and intellectualized approach to various human problems, irrespective of their scale. His novels, therefore, reflect the critical atmosphere associated with being profoundly political in intellectual circles. Unlike many intellectuals of his generation, Kundera rejected the idea that writers have a political responsibility, emphasizing instead the aesthetic responsibility of the novelist. He found it offensive to categorize his literary works as “political novels” as it undermined his artistic intentions and limited the scope of his writings.

In Testaments Betrayed, Kundera expressed strong disdain for those who sought predetermined positions within works of art, be they political, philosophical, or religious. He believed that art’s purpose was to explore and gain insight into various aspects of reality, free from preconceived ideologies or agendas. Kundera’s essays defended the novel’s significance, encompassing culture, civilization, wisdom, and autonomy. Although his writings often contained perceptive observations on politics, they maintained an intriguing ambiguity, challenging the interpretations that categorized them as purely political works.

Kundera did not advocate for a complete separation of the novel or art from politics. He believed that literary imagination served as a tool to delve into and expose real-life experiences, including politics, rather than functioning as a mere escape or subjective fantasy. He emphasized that “real life” encompassed the entirety of the human experience, with politics deserving particular attention for exploration and unmasking. Politics, often dominated by reductive ideologies and propaganda, should be subject to the novel’s penetrating and unmasking gaze. Kundera believed that novelists and artists should approach politics from a higher vantage point, embedded within a broader and more meaningful cultural context.

Throughout his career, Kundera drew inspiration from various sources, including Renaissance writers and modern authors such as Boccaccio, Rabelais, Sterne, Diderot, Nietzsche, Musil, Gombrowitz, Broch, Kafka, and Heidegger. His books have become 20th-century classics, and Kundera is widely regarded as one of its greatest novelists. Unlike authors seeking the limelight, Kundera preferred to remain somewhat anonymous, allowing his books to speak for themselves. His intellectual prowess, vast knowledge, and literary charm have captivated numerous literary reviewers who analyze and explain his works while expressing admiration for his innovative creativity and reasoning. The magnetic appeal of his writing continues to attract critics, enticed by his captivating style and profound insights.

Milan Kundera’s thoughts revolved around a nuanced exploration of the human condition, emphasizing themes such as freedom, memory, love, and the impact of politics on individual lives. Through his works, he challenged conventional beliefs, inviting readers to engage in profound reflections on the complexities of existence.

Milan Kundera’s passing is a loss to the literary world. His legacy as a thought-provoking author who fearlessly tackled complex themes will continue to inspire and captivate readers for generations to come.

( A full version of this article has appeared in Eurasia Review)

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My Peace Plan https://jstatesociety.in/my-peace-plan/ https://jstatesociety.in/my-peace-plan/#respond Tue, 11 Jul 2023 16:13:20 +0000 https://jstatesociety.in/?p=1079

 

 

ELMAR RUSTAMOV

Coordinator of the Executive Committee of the Labour Russia Movement

 

Among the international communist and left movements, including their Russian branch, there has been, throughout the entire period of the war in Ukraine, three conflicting assessments of the situation: unconditional support for Ukraine, a cowardly position of “critical” support with “reservations,” and unequivocal condemnation. However, even the generally correct anti-imperialist position of rejection of militarism suffers greatly from “pacifism” in the worst sense of the word. That is, this point of view, by and large, comes down to only one thesis – the immediate cessation of hostilities, without a specific plan, explaining by what methods this will be achieved, by what means, under what conditions, at what borders, etc.

And the social-chauvinists do not miss the opportunity to use this circumstance as an advantageous argument for themselves as justification for their conciliatory position: “And what do you propose? The war is already going on, this is a given, it is not possible to stop it, we must simply win and everything will end.”

Moreover, absurd and groundless accusations of “pro-NATO” and “pro-American” rhetoric, and even of support for NATO’s crimes, are also flying at the communist internationalists.

You think we don’t know about this!? We, whose senior comrades, and we ourselves, have consistently condemned the invasions of Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yugoslavia for so many years, held protests against the bombing and interference in the affairs of sovereign countries and rallies of solidarity with the peoples of these countries. Do you think we would hide and deny the role of the “alliance” in the destruction of the USSR and the socialist bloc, in the catastrophic results of these processes? Let’s leave these accusations against us to the conscience of these moralizers, if anything is left of that at all. Their position is all the more hypocritical because they themselves are well aware of the character of the current Russian government, which has started and continues the hostilities. It pursues a policy in its own interests, which by no means identical to the interests of the people, otherwise all this bloodshed would never have been started. So it was with almost all the conflicts of recent years in which this government participated: Chechnya, Syria, and now Ukraine. They have sold weapons surreptitiously, and they trampled on agreements, all to promote the interests of various oligarchs. It doesn’t happen otherwise.

It is impossible to be against the government and at the same time support its policies; this is called “schizophrenia” or “split personality.” Let psychiatrists figure it out from there.

At the same time, unilateral calls to stop deliveries of NATO weapons to Ukraine “here and now,” without preconditions or demands, no matter who they come from, are naïve and have a slight shade of hypocrisy and irresponsibility. After all, no similar requirements have been presented to the opposite side.

In fact, the authors and heralds of this idea, perhaps unwittingly themselves, are playing along with only one of the parties in the conflict. In other words, if this requirement is implemented, the war will not stop but will continue, but only on terms more favorable to the Russian army. It will be temporarily suspended on the current “lines of contact” until Putin’s oligarchs gather strength for their new campaign, using the truce as a respite. And for the people of Russia, this automatically means the preservation of the political regime, the continuation of police repression, state terror, and the preparation of the authorities for a new, broader general mobilization. In other words, such a truce would be no less – or even greater – of a catastrophe for Russian society than a military defeat.

Let’s try to imagine a real plan that would actually work to end the confrontation, and not simply to extend the Putin oligarchy. It could consist of four main points:

1. Stop fighting on both sides;

2. Cessation of any supply of foreign weapons and ammunition to both Ukraine and Russia;

3. Abandonment by the Russian Armed Forces of the territory of Ukraine as of February 1, 2014 (“zero option”);

4. The UN and its peacekeeping forces are temporarily introduced to the territories left by the RF Armed Forces.

In fact, even some official propagandists are beginning to understand the need to move in this direction. For example, Margarita Simonyan, head of the Russia Today TV channel, proposed to hold referendums again (in other words, from the point of view of the authorities, she calls for a review of the new borders of the Russian Federation). It seems that in the fall of last year, the Zaporozhye and Kherson regions, and the Donetsk and Luhansk people’s republics were entered into the Constitution of Russia. The Criminal Code even has a special article for such a case: “Art. 280.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. Public calls for actions aimed at violations of the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation.”

If you believe the Kremlin propaganda, one of the mouthpieces of which is Simonyan herself, there have already been “referendums” in these regions, but now she is proposing to hold new ones. So then, you will admit that what happened before was a circus, and not a vote?

But here a fundamental point emerges: it is necessary to stop the bloodshed not only to correct the previous injustices, but also to prevent new ones. It won’t be easy or simple. And in order to stop the escalation of violence and repression from any side, an appropriate policy is needed, which needs to be thought out today.

In order to avoid clashes and outrages on both sides, it is proposed to create a “humanitarian corridor” in the territories left by the Russian troops for the unhindered exit of residents in both directions, and to temporarily deploy UN peacekeeping forces from among countries that are not directly or indirectly involved in the conflict.

Failure to comply with at least one point entails the continuation of the war with innumerable victims and suffering for Ukrainian and Russian citizens, a war that claims hundreds and thousands of lives every day. So let’s find out, looking at the reactions to this program, what is actually more important to the elites and governments – is it land and territory, saving face (in fact, saving power and capital), or is it people’s lives? Bring out the hysterics to the slaughterhouse, who themselves are in no hurry to leave for the front, or send their children and relatives there!

Everything has gone too far, Russian territory is being shelled (it was foolish to believe that this would not happen – usually in wars, in response to constant shelling, the other side also starts shooting back!), and threats of a nuclear apocalypse are heard. Yes, the chances of this scenario occurring are extremely small, but such rhetoric itself speaks of the seriousness of the current situation. Time does not wait!

The peoples are tired of war, they want peace, and therefore a plan is needed that will stop the bloodshed and create conditions for the mutual laying down of arms, without fear of monstrous consequences for Ukrainians and Russians.

The left must offer a program of an honest peace without territorial conquest or any further aggressive policy, with remuneration for all destruction, not from the pockets of the working people, but at the expense of those who unleashed this massacre. It cannot be ruled out that such a “peace plan” could bring the revolution in Russia closer, contribute to the awakening of class consciousness among the soldiers, to their desire for self-organization, and to an awareness of themselves as an independent force. The left is fundamentally in favor of finally saying its word to “His Majesty the Working Class,” the same class that is often thrown into a meat grinder against his will and desire. So that there are no “agreements” behind the back of the people, and at their expense, and the working people themselves ought to be the ones to stop the war. However, for the time being we have to be guided not by what we ultimately desire, but by the existing reality. And therefore, we need to take responsibility, take the first step, and begin the process that will lead to an end to the war, and lead the workers to victory in the struggle for their power, so that the defeat of the insane adventurist plans of the government of the Russian Federation does not turn into a defeat for the people and the country.

Translated by Dan Erdman

First appeared in RABKOR

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